In 1992, the British anthropologist Alfred
Gell wrote about the relationship between
art, perception, and human exchange. Certain
forms of human creativity, he hypothesized,
must be regarded as “technologies of enchantment,”
that is to say, “technical processes that
cast a spell over us so that we see the real world
in an enchanted form.”12 These technologies,
Gell argued, do real work in the world, mainly
by lubricating human interaction. And though
his referenced example relates to economic exchange—
specifi cally, the ability of canoe prows
from the Trobriand Islands to “dazzle the beholder,”
thus easing the transfer of shells and
necklaces—his insights on the relationship between
visually engaging artworks and the dynamics
of human transaction are applicable
across a variety of domains.13
Like others before us, we draw from Gell in
order to make an argument about art and poli-
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FIG. 30 (below): Skirt.
Kuba, Kasai Province,
DR Congo. 1921–1950
(date range determined by
carbon-14 testing).
Raffi a palm fi ber, cowrie shells.
744.2 x 69.9 cm.
Private collection. R.18060.1.
nas where real political ambitions competed,”
and elite members of society regularly hosted
“big theatrical feasts in which people dressed up
… and showed off their wealth.”9
Of course, one cannot talk about the politics
of nineteenth- and twentieth-century Africa
without mentioning European colonialism,
which impacted almost every person and polity
on the continent. The Kuba kingdom was no
different and it is our contention that the impetus
for the fi nal shift in elite textile design is
inextricably intertwined with the changes instantiated
by Belgian colonial rule. To be sure,
the kingdom fared far better than most of the
peoples subjected to the rule of King Leopold
II. The Kuba were never fully conquered by
the Belgian military and their strength allowed
them to repel the rapaciousness of the Compagnie
du Kasai. Nevertheless, the twentieth century
was a period of extreme instability, and,
beginning with the sack of the capital in 1900
by a small Belgian force, the power at Nsheng
gradually gave way to that of Brussels. Indeed,
after the sack, the Kuba elites were forced to
scatter, an act that allowed rebellions against
the ruling class to erupt in the outer regions of
the kingdom. And while these were eventually
quashed, the Kuba state never fully recovered,
and in 1910 the king was forced to become a
tributary state of Belgium.10
Given this, the dynamic design found in early
to mid twentieth century textiles makes a certain
amount of sense. In an era of declining power,
Kuba leaders appear to have taken refuge in the
symbolic realm, trading (against their will) power
for pomp. Moreover, given the increasingly
rebellious population that they ostensibly controlled,
the visual references to traditional authority
must have served as a bulwark of sorts
against further sedition. In many ways, the textiles
produced in this period are reminiscent of
the court art found in the latter periods of many
great African states and societies.11
FIG. 29 (right):
Prestige cloth.
Kuba, Kasai Province,
DR Congo. 1937–1950
(date range determined
by carbon-14 testing).
Raffi a palm fi ber.
42.5 x 64.8 cm.
Private collection. R.18060.11.