FEATURE 122 troduce social commentary relating to the presence of Europeans in their environment, including allusion to mistreatment of their people and to slavery (figs. 16 and 17). It is also striking to note that the subject matter for these works is derived from the religion and history of the Congo (fig. 3), which are otherwise rarely materially represented. Traditional Western designs also enrich the carvings’ iconography. These include fragments of writing that might be associated with clients’ signatures9 and may be transposed onto typically European objects (see the napkin ring in fig. 8) or make reference to the buyer’s profession (cables and anchors for a sailor, for example), or to games Europeans played to pass the time (such as playing card suits). While the exact interpretation of Loango ivories can be problematic owing to the absence of written sources, there can be no doubt that they had to adhere to certain aesthetic values and precise ideas. This becomes obvious when one compares the decorative designs they display with those on other types of objects from the area. For example, one of the main characteristics of Loango ivories is the spiral pattern that divides the tusk into upper and lower areas. The “story” the piece tells is intended to be read from bottom to top along the spiral. According to Kongo belief, the spiral symbolized the cycle of life and contact between the living and the realm of the ancestors. Various individuals represented on the tusks are also seen on the scepters of dignitaries (fig. 5), proverb lids, statues, and other objects. The mother and child representation, or pfemba, on the ivory in the Tropenmuseum (fig. 6) is another example. Bridges has repeatedly suggested that the study of these categories of objects can shed light upon and identify the scenes seen on Loango tusks. However, she departs, probably justifiably, from the premise that the designs maintained the same meanings despite their transfer from one type of object to another. Lastly, it should be emphasized that the sculptors’ interpretations of the decorative designs on their ivories may have been very different from those of their buyers, to whom the meaning of some details might have remained completely unknown. Collectors Beware As has already been mentioned, historical sources relating to objects made specifically for sale to foreigners are rare. If, for example, one examines the documentation relating to the Loango ivories in Dutch collections, one observes that often only the name of the collector and the date and place of collection are noted with no other information recorded. This tends also to be the case for Loango collections worldwide. Could the explanation for this be that collectors wished to keep secret the fact that they were donating tourist art? That does not strike me FIG. 3 (left): Detail of the tusk from fig. 2. The scene depicts an nganga, a Kongo ritual specialist, who is shown with a shell and a sword. FIG. 4 (lower left): Elephant tusk carved with scenes of commerce: the slave trade and transporting goods. L: 29.5 cm. National Museums of World Cultures, Tropenmuseum, Amsterdam. TM 229-4. Bequest of Baroness von Gotsch, O.E.A.E., Wüste, 1924. FIG. 5 (right): Wooden scepter topped with a standing female figure. L: 98 cm. National Museums of World Cultures, Tropenmuseum, Amsterdam. TM A-11031. Artis donation, 1920. Ex L. S. Anema, 1884. FIG. 6 (top right): Detail of the tusk in fig. 1, topped with a pfemba, a mother and child.
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